Women Leadership in Saudi Arabia Assignment Help
Introduction
The visibility, or lack of women leadership in the socio-intellectual history of Arab-Islamic culture depended largely on two main factors: (a) the specific adjustments that each country within the Arab-Islamic world had to make to the dominant sociopolitical and intellectual movements it encountered over time; (b) the progressive or regressive attitude of the patriarchal elite class holding power in the government at any given moment in history. Belhachmi, Z. (2005).
As a result of increasing enrolment of women in all levels of education and various fields. of employment and aspects of public life in Saudi Arabia, the last 10 years witnessed a growing participation of women in senior management positions and in the decision-making process in public and private sectors. Recent developments indicate a clear strategic direction of policy makers and development plans in Saudi Arabia towards an even greater role for women in public life and into top leadership positions in public domains. In spite of the considerable role of women in Saudi society, evidence suggests that women in leadership positions are facing a different reality from their male counterparts due to organizational, personal and cultural challenges that impede their effectiveness as leaders.
Election and religious leaderships are the field that are still dominantly male areas of leadership
What is leadership?
Gary Yukl (1989 & 2002) has compiled leadership definitions from a comprehensive review of leadership material. They are as follow:
- Leadership is “the behavior of an individual when he is directing the activities of a group towards a shared goal” (Hemphill & Coons, 1957, p.7).
- Leadership is “an interaction between persons in which one person presents information in such a manner that the other person becomes convinced that his outcome (benefits/cost ratio) will be improved if he behaves in the manner suggested or desired” (Jacobs, 1970, p.232).
The above definitions of leadership give a good foundation for the behaviors found typically in those who become leaders. Having this information helps all to solidify understanding as to what typical leadership behaviors tend to look like. Now the investigator will move onto the various types of leadership styles.
Muslim female leadership (Marri, 2011)
Leadership by women is by no means a new concept in the Islamic world. In fact, Islamic history is replete with female Muslim leaders. Researcher Badawi (1995) has extrapolated that the obstacles in the path of Muslim female leadership are “cultural practices”, not Islam. Even though it may be hard to do so in an Islamic way, there is actually no proof in the Quran that prohibits Muslim women from assuming eadershiproles. Remnant androcentrism continues to be an impediment in the way of Muslim female leadership. Abugideriri has explained that traditionally, Islamic leadership has been gendered, with the males leading communities and the female leadership being relegated to the private sphere or female-oriented issues. Yet, such a dichotomy is not necessarily endorsed by the Quran.
Prophet Muhammad’s (may peace be upon him) first wife, Khadijah was a prospering business woman even before the dawn of Islam. Impressed by Muhammad’s (may peace be upon him) probity, she employed him to take her merchandise caravans to Syria. Later Khadijah became the first person to convert to Islam (Sidani, 2001). His last wife Ayesha is renowned for her leadership role during the chaos which ensued after his death (Christensen, 2008). Badawi (1995) has extrapolated that the obstacles in the path of Muslim female leadership are “cultural practices” (p. 1), not Islam. Furthermore, Badawi has asserted that, even though it may be hard to do so in an Islamic way, there is actually no proof in the Quran that prohibits Muslim women from assuming leadership roles. Due to a very small number of visible Muslim female national leaders, one might assume that such an undertaking may be discouraged by the religion. Moreover the media often portrays only the most radical cases of Islamic nations. However, these cases do not typify the entire Islamic world and there exists a different reality (Ali, 2005).
Muslim women have participated in a wide spectrum of professions and in leadership roles as well. Ali (2005) explains:
“The West’s exposure to Muslim women is largely based on Islam’s most extreme cases of oppression: Taliban-dominated Afghanistan, Wahhabi-ruled Saudia Arabia and postrevolutionary Iran. Under those regimes, women were and are ordered to cover. Many Afghan women are forbidden to attend school, and no Saudi woman is allowed to drive. Yet despite the spread of ultraconservative versions of Islam over the past few decades, these societies are not the norm in the Muslim world. In Egypt female cops patrol the streets. In Jordan, women account for the majority of students in medical school. And, in Syria courtrooms are filled with female lawyers. (p. 33) Marri (2011)
Female and Leadership.
Although there exists ample evidence on the nature of leadership and the resemblance of women’s and men’s leadership styles, nevertheless, leadership roles and managerial posts seem to be stereotypically masculine (Walker, 2004). Traditionally, leadership was associated with a male figure and masculine characteristics such as dominance and competitiveness. Perhaps this socially constructed stereotype is what causes such misunderstandings in leadership styles as either feminine or masculine (Walker, 2004). Walker (2004) also stated the divine and wholesome nature of leadership, therefore, has been polluted with cultural constructs, adding to its disfigured dimensions, such as gender, creating a more complicated and thorny field to explore. Neva Helena Alexander. (2011)
According to Billing and Alvesson (2000), perceptions and gender stereotypes are often considered barriers for women to gain leadership positions. Women have faced many challenges in leadership positions, in terms of their gender, their identity being fastened to many stereotypes, being marginalized, and their experiences unnoticed in the formation of knowledge and power—these being the tools put in use to pave the way for this to happen (Walker, 2004).
Al-Hariri, in her 1983 article (as cited in Walker, 2004), wrote about the shortage of women in leadership and dominant positions in Saudi Arabia. She expressed her anticipation of the progression of females in higher education that would enable them to participate and acquire access to more diverse work opportunities. This anticipation is currently taking shape as our eyes are becoming accustomed to seeing amazing news headlines—headings such as Saudi Women Challenge Traditional Barriers in Male Dominated Society, First Saudi Women to Hold the Top Hospital Post as Chief Ophthalmologist in King Faisl Hospital, and Dr. Selwa Al-Hazzaa‟ Threatens Traditional Male Positions in the Work Force. Another headline that may seem striking to
The shortage of leadership in Saudi Arabia
The general mission of higher education historically has been to educate students to be future leaders. According to Chaar (2010), Saudi Arabia is facing a shortage of local leaders in the private sector. Due to the young population, the unevenness between growth and available talent in the private sector, and rising unemployment figures, the country must address the growing leadership shortage. The need for Saudi leadership in the private sector is alarming and will be a growing problem over the next 5 years as 2.5 million more Saudis enter the workforce (Chaar, 2010). Thus, it is necessary for universities within the Kingdom to teach students to be future leaders.
Change in the Women’ Role
The government of Saudi Arabia has adopted a clear vision for the empowerment of women as reflected in recent development plans that show a clear shift in the orientation of planning efforts towards the development of women’s roles instead of focusing on women’s right to education and employment. Empowerment of women and enhancement of their involvement in public affairs have been clearly emphasized not only as targets of development plans but also rather as a means to achieve strategic objectives of development.
Globalization and economic and social developments in Saudi Arabia indicate the strong conviction among policymakers that comprehensive and sustainable development could not be reached without activating all social actors of development in the global society (Metcalfe and Rees 2010). It is quite clear that Saudi Arabia is embracing a new strategic direction to recruit qualified women into positions of leadership at the top of the hierarchy in public and private sectors.
Saudi women are slowly but definitely assuming high positions that include deputy minister, university president, Shura Council consultants, board members of Chambers of commerce and many other new and exciting positions in both the public and private sectors.
The roles and skills of women leaders have received increased attention by researchers and practitioners in business and public organizations all over the world (Omair 2008; Stead and Elliot 2009). This growing interest is triggered by the importance of leadership as an essential element to the survival of organizations and as an instrumental factor in their strife for excellence (Stead and Elliot 2009). This interest is also influenced by the increasing role that women play in organizations and in the economy in general.
Challenges facing women leaders in Saudi Arabia
In spite of the considerable role of women in Saudi society, evidence suggests that women in leadership positions are facing a different reality from their male counterparts due to organizational, personal and cultural challenges that impede their effectiveness as leaders.
Structural challenges, particularly those associated with the centralization of the
decision-making process, lack of authority and participation in the formulation of strategy, are found to be the most important challenges facing women leaders in this study. This may be due to the fact that women’s access to leadership positions in Saudi Arabia is relatively recent, so there may still be concerns regarding their capabilities and managerial efficiency (Al-Halawani 2002).
As a result of the Saudization process and absence of leadership development strategies, many women in public and private organizations find themselves relatively too soon in positions of leadership, before accumulating the experience and maturity necessary for effective job performance (Al-Ahmadi 2005). Saudi women also lack opportunities to learn by example, through mentorship and guidance, because of the limited experience of women leaders, the Human Resource Development International 161 lack of role models and the isolation of women’s sectors in general due to cultural and social barriers (Al-Ahmadi 2005). Highlighting the importance of empowerment through education and support, a recent study found that the driving forces for success for Arab women in management are education and the support of their husbands and families, and that success is not defined in terms of financial gains but rather satisfaction, happiness and growth (Omair 2008).
cultural challenges are less important compared to the other challenges faced by women leaders. This is an indication of changing perception of the role of women in society and a reflection of the policy of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Abdullah who calls for the integration of women in decision-making positions. Studies have previously noted a prevailing traditional conservative mentality among some men in leadership positions, which reinforces the exclusion of women leaders and limits their effective participation in decision-making (Almenkash et al. 2007). Researchers have stressed that the role of women in management cannot be viewed in isolation from the general status of women in society and from the general targets of economic, social and educational development (Hammoud 1993). The current study confirms that there are signs of change in the general view of women in Saudi society, and thus, cultural aspects–despite their importance–are not the most serious impediment to women leaders. These results are similar to the findings of another study of factors determining attitudes towards women occupying supervisory positions in Kuwait, which indicates a relatively positive attitude towards women managers (Askar and Ahmad 2003).
Personal challenges ranked last among the challenges facing women leaders as a sign on increasing self-confidence and the ability to take responsibility and to achieve balance between professional and family obligations, in addition to psychological
and physical readiness to withstand the pressures of administrative work. Omair (2008) points out that although Arab women get domestic help either in the form of paid servants or relatives, housework and child care remain their most important responsibilities. Therefore, it can be concluded that women leaders in Saudi Arabia continue to take responsibility for their homes and family and are able to balance the two sets of obligations. This result is contrary to the beliefs prevailing in the Arabic and non-Arabic literature on the unwillingness of women to face the social, psychological and physical pressures of a leadership role.
Where is the gap?
8.1 Elections
(Al-Khuthaila,2005). The recent Saudi experiment of elections and other tendencies toward national reforms reflect a product of the political will and increased consciousness and acceptability of those reforms by the political leadership and citizens. Such reforms from the political perspective have produced immediate fruits. This is typically represented in the municipal elections recently held in the kingdom, which were agreed on and planned by the political leadership. From my perspective, this confirms that the political leadership is ultimately more ambitious than the average Saudi citizen in adopting reform programs, consolidating the national participation in decision making, and expediting the social change toward the civil society based on parliamentary elections with a view to meeting the contemporary conditions of a modern state.
Saudi Arabia has taken its first actual steps toward a democratic life through establishing the consultative council whose representation is done through the system of regions’ councils. Although its membership is only confined to men, the consultative council members were first 60 in number, then increased to 90, and finally expanded to 120, representing all the ranks of society. The increase in the council’s members matches its increasing capacities to reach the accountability of the cabinet members and the public investigation of the performance of each individual ministry
Women’s increased contribution in the mass media in Saudi Arabia is unmistakable. Now, the Saudi space channels have female announcers and field correspondents on the news channel broadcasting currently for 12 hours and scheduled for 24 hours later this year. This news channel is a new medium. It had gradually acquired great credibility in depicting news and airing it honestly and objectively with a remarkable liberty in preparation and broadcast at the national and international levels. It is noteworthy that a woman has been appointed for the first time as an information advisor at the ministry of information. She is now a direct partner on live TV as well as a participant in the national and international symposia, seminars, and conferences. This has been particularly evident and beneficial in public discussion of issues of interest to the public such as on stands against extremism and on the promising future of reform tendencies. Women also have been elected as members in the press authority and the chamber of commerce. An irony of this process is that less than 10 women participated in the recent elections of the chamber of commerce though the number of women registered is more than 3,000.
Despite all these positive steps toward reform and the honest inclination toward democracy, the serious movement of reform could not absorb Saudi women-who represent 60% of the 24 million Saudi population and more than 60% of the total number of students in the academic institutions. These women are not less qualified or inefficient than men in all academic and practical fields. They are the twin partners of Saudi men in their aspiration and longing for a modern democratic state receptive to the world. This seems logical when we realize that women in the kingdom enjoy the same education and job opportunities and the same administrative and financial entitlements as men. Even what is private for them, particularly in terms of personal ownership, exceeds the rights enjoyed by other women in the West and East.
Women’s participation in all the activities of public interest, particularly elections and legislative life, makes such an endeavor more credible and interesting. It is an incentive toward the necessity of more participation in decision making and social awareness. This entails having new generations capable of absorbing new concepts compatible with the age, supportive of innovations, and convinced of the content of the social work suitable for its environment.
The absence of Saudi women from elections is a big loss to this experiment and a substantial obstacle in its way, though it is a temporary absence. Any social or political experiment without the participation of women shall remain no more than half experiment.
To sum up, the political leadership in the kingdom is quite aware of the requirements of this stage. It is convinced of reform as the only way to bring the political deadlock out of the bottleneck. It is equally convinced of the necessity of the participation of women in every effort that supports this reform tendency. This is evident in the fact that all government and work regulations do not discriminate between men and women in terms of job opportunities, rights, and duties. The point is the political leadership has its own vision with regard to delaying women’s participation: The Saudi society should be oriented first to accept this participation considered by some observers as a social revolution with all the implications of the word. . . . It is a revolution against a way of thinking and the transitional heritage so deeply rooted in so many minds that it turned out to be a tradition or rather a constitution whose violation is a breakaway of the national entity and a retreat of what they take as sacred values.
8.2 Religious Islamic leaders
Due to these developments, women’s roles in the religious field have increased over the past twenty years. Women are professors of the Islamic sciences in universities, teachers in Qurʾānic centers, writers publishing in print or electronically, and volunteers in religious associations and foundations. For some, these pursuits are a profession; for others, they are a personal calling taken on in addition to their family responsibilities. Preachers are present in all of these spaces, and play a major role in lectures held in the female sections of religious associations and foundations, Qurʾānic centers, and female university campuses.
21 In the next section, I demonstrate that some of these female preachers have become prominent religious authorities
“Early in my fieldwork in Saudi Arabia, in 2005, I witnessed a scene that demonstrates the significance of gender segregation on women’s religious roles. It was Thursday afternoon—the equivalent of Saturday in Europe—and I was attending a lecture in the female-only section of the World Association for Muslim Youth, a religious organization. As the call for sunset prayer began, the female preacher interrupted her lesson. Most of the listeners stood up, put on their ʿabāyah (black overcoats) and headscarves, then went to the carpets and formed lines to pray. As the women knelt in prayer, a beautiful female voice amplified by a microphone rose up from among them. As a foreigner, familiar with other Muslim-majority countries, but still discovering Riyadh, this female voice chanting prayer surprised me. This is not how I had imagined religious spaces in a country where the dominant interpretation of Islam is described as the most strict and austere, and places constraints on all aspects of public life. These constraints impact women particularly, as they face severe restrictions on their publicmovements. Yet the development of female segregated spaces has created
opportunities for female leadership, as women hold significant leadership positions within these spaces. Some prominent and well-known female preachers active in these spaces—who hold lectures, write articles, and organize diverse activities in Islamic associations
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